Another example of self-model is illustrated by means of choosing a partner. Quite often in Muslim societies, parents choose children’s partners and fix marriages in advance. In spite of this Moroccan society is more open-minded concerning this issue. Our informants showed that most of teenagers don’t really mind about the ethnicity of their actual partners (for those who have one). The great majority confirmed some expectations for getting married and raising children. Notwithstanding, it was common that our informants have chosen as ideal wives, women with whom they share an ethnic link, rather than someone from a different ethnic group or at least, someone whose faith was Muslim. From the opposite position, the only female in the sample didn’t care neither about the ethnicity of his probable husband, nor about his religion. I assume this ideal choice as a self-description whose main aim is to obtain maximum similarity to the existing culture as well.
One more example of self-model has to do with alimentation and eating habits. Since Muslims have particular patterns of alimentation, for instance the Halal[ix] food, they tend to carefully select what they eat and how. Another example is choosing ethnic-supermarkets (owned by Muslims) to buy groceries, Halal butcheries, or ethnic restaurants (either Turk, Moroccan, Lebanese of Pakistani restaurants). Choosing this type of self-models clearly entails and ideal approach of the native culture, that is somehow fulfilled through concrete “ethnic” signifiers.
A final self-model throughout they express an ideal self-consciousness is a material object: the residence permit that is expressed materially as ID-cards. By means of this objects they can achieve feelings of satisfaction and commitment, but also senses of being successful. This particular self-models are separated from their culture, and are not even oriented towards it, indeed. Nevertheless, ID cards are objects that convey particular meanings ascribed to future expectations. From 20 teenagers, 19 had a residence permit and just one person lived completely illegal. Everybody was convinced that having a residence permit was really important in order to deal with the authorities, or if the would manage to get a job, or studying something.
Choosing ethnicities
Concerning the issue of ethnic categories, the only category that was shared by all the informants and the most constant, was the characterization as Muslim. This general type is grounded not only on the basis of commitment to religious traits, but also on the facts that it has been “taught”, “inherited”, and strengthened during the acculturation process. I designated the second type of self-identification as monoculturally Moroccan. 11 people were ascribed to this category, and grounded on the basis of the type of received replies. This was one of the strongest and more constant self-identifications. The third type was called mixed up. Only 2 persons elected it, with some nuances however. Both of them were inclined to biculturalism showing better patterns of adaptation and integration. On the one hand, the first individual defined himself as Moroccan firstly, then Spanish and finally, Basque. On the other hand, the second individual defined herself as Berber, later on, Moroccan, and eventually, Spanish. As a matter of fact, she mentioned that a good knowledge of Basque would enhance her Basque identification. Apart from ethnicity, the length of residence played an important role in the determination of this category. The fourth type was Moroccan-Latin and was chosen by only one individual. It was clearly defined on the basis of good social relations with Latin Americans, rather than Spaniards or Basques. The fifth type was completely defined on the basis of ethnicity: Berber-Moroccan, and was chosen by only one individual. The same individual was the first who chose Amazigh[x] as his mother tongue. The sixth category was more oriented towards a mixed identity, but still was quite clear: Moroccan, but a little Basque. Only one person chose it and his reason was the length of residence in the Basque Country. The seventh self-identification was based on the length of residence as well, and chosen by one person: Moroccan, but a little Spanish. The informant that chose it arrived to the city of Valencia from Morocco, and some time later he traveled to the Basque Country. The eighth self-identification was quite peculiar since it belonged to an individual who chose Amazigh as his mother tongue too. Nevertheless he didn’t care about his categorization. The traditional dichotomy language-identity, who usually enhances the choice of a particular identity didn’t work in this case. Only one individual chose the ninth self-identification. He was predisposed to be monocultural but he declared, “to be open to something else”. The reason of choosing this category was his openness towards the Basque culture and his commitment to it: Moroccan but open. The final self-identification category was deemed as legalized Moroccan. It was chosen by the fourth Berber in the sample, who also said having Amazigh as his mother tongue. This choice was based on the recent acquisition of a residence permit.
Summing up, we are in front of 10 types of self-identification that go from the general to the particular, going ahead from the shared largest category: being Muslim. Through this little stroll we could realize how Moroccan youth chose among a multifarious set of identities in order to express their own in terms of membership and commitment to a certain group. As well as how they differ from each other. Portis-Winner sees self-identification as an ethnic function. I agree with her in the sense that by fulfilling this ethnic function, our informants present descriptive materials that characterize themselves (Portis-Winner, 1983a, p. 122).